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第10章

The Central Committee requests the central districts to distribute this letter among their members as soon as possible and to submit their own reports soon.It urges all League members to the most intense activity, especially now that the situation has become so critical that it cannot be long before another revolution breaks out.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Frederick Engels ON THE HISTORY OF THE COMMUNIST LEAGUELondon October 8, 1885

With the sentence of the Cologne Communists in 1852, the curtain falls on the first period of the independent German workers' movement.

Today this period is almost forgotten.Yet it lasted from 1836 to 1852and, with the spread of German workers abroad, the movement developed in almost all civilized countries.Nor is that all.The present-day international workers' movement is in substance a direct continuation of the German workers' movement of that time, which was the _first international workers' movement_ of all time, and which brought forth many of those who took the leading role in he International Working Men's Association.And the theoretical principles that the Communist League had inscribed on its banner in the _Communist Manifesto_ of 1847constitute today the strongest international bond of the entire proletarian movement of both Europe and America.

Up to now there has been only one source for a coherent history of that movement.This is the so-called Black Book, _The Communist Conspiracies of the Nineteenth Century_, by Wermuth and Stieber, Erline, two parts, 1853 and 1854.This crude compilation, which bristles with deliberate falsifications, fabricated by two of the most contemptible police scoundrels of our century, today still serves as the final source for all non-communist writings about that period.

What I am able to give here is only a sketch, and even this only in so far as the League itself is concerned; only what is absolutely necessary to understand the _Revelations_.I hope that some day I shall have the opportunity to work up the rich material collected by Marx and myself on the history of that glorious period of the youth of the international workers' movement.

*In 1836 the most extreme, chiefly proletarian elements of the secret democratic-republican Outlaws' League, which was founded by German refugees in Paris in 1834, split off and formed the new secret League of the Just.The parent League, in which only sleepy-headed elements a la Jakobus Venedey were left, soon fell asleep altogether;when in 1840 the police scented out a few sections in Germany, it was hardly even a shadow of its former self.The new League, on the contrary, developed comparatively rapidly.Originally it was a German outlier of the French worker-Communism, reminiscent of Babouvism and taking shape in Paris at about this time; community of goods was demanded as the necessary consequence of "equality".The aims were those of the Parisian secret societies of the time: half propaganda association, half conspiracy, Paris, however, being always regarded as the central point of revolutionary action, although the preparation of occassional _putsches_ in Germany was by no means excluded.But as Paris remained the decisive battleground, the League was at that time actually not much more than the German branch of the French secret societies, especially the Societe des saisons led by Blanqui and Barbes, with which a close connections was maintained.The French went into action on May 12, 1839; the sections of the League marched with them and thus were involved in the common defeat.

Among the Germans arrested were Karl Schapper and Heinrich Bauer;Louis Philippe's government contented itself with deporting them after a fairly long imprisonment.Both went to London.Schapper came from Weilburg in Nassau and while a student of forestry at Giessen in 1832was a member of the conspiracy organized by Georg Buchner; he took part in the storming of the Frankfort constable station on April 3, 1833, escaped abroad and in February 1834 joined Mazzini's march on Savoy.Of gigantic stature, resolute and energetic, always ready to risk civil existence and life, he was a model of the professional revolutionist that played an important role in the thirties.In spite of a certain sluggishness of thought, he was by no means incapable of profound theoretical understanding, as is proved by his development from "demagogue" to Communist, and he held then all the more rigidly to what he had once come to recognize.Precisely on that account his revolutionary passion sometimes got the better of understanding, but he always afterwards realized his mistake and openly acknowledged it.He was fully a man and what he did for the founding of the German workers'

movement will not be forgotten.

Heinrich Bauer, from Franconia, was a shoemaker; a lively, alert, witty little fellow, whose little body, however, also contained much shrewdness and determination.

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