"I stood in the tribune of the palace，" writes Anarcharsis Clootz，[24] "at the head of the foreigners， acting as ambassador of the human species， while the ministers of the tyrants regarded me with a jealous and disconcerted air."A schoolmaster at Troyes， on the opening of the club in that town， advises the women "to teach their children， as soon as they can utter a word， that they are free and have equal rights with the mightiest potentates of the universe."[25] Pétion's account of the journey in the king's carriage， on the return from Varennes， must be read to see how far self-importance of a pedant and the self-conceit of a lout can be carried.[26] In their memoirs and even down to their epitaphs， Barbaroux， Buzot， Pétion， Roland， and Madame Roland[27] give themselves certificates of virtue and， if we could take their word for it， they would pass for Plutarch's model characters. -- This infatuation， from the Girondins to the Montagnards， continues to grow.
St. Just， at the age of twenty-four， and merely a private individual， is already consumed with suppressed ambition. Marat says：
"I believe that I have exhausted every combination of the human intellect in relation to morality， philosophy and political science."Robespierre， from the beginning to the end of the Revolution， is always， in his own eyes， Robespierre the unique， the one pure man， the infallible and the impeccable； no man ever burnt to himself the incense of his own praise so constantly and so directly. - At this level， conceit may drink the theory to the bottom， however revolting the dregs and however fatal its poison even to those defy its nausea for the sake of swallowing it. And， since it is virtue， no one may refuse it without committing a crime. Thus construed， the theory divides Frenchmen into two groups： one consisting of aristocrats， fanatics， egoists， the corrupt， bad citizens in short， and the other patriots， philosophers， and the virtuous， that is to say， those belonging to the sect.[28] Thanks to this reduction， the vast moral and social world with which they deal finds its definition， expression， and representation in a ready-made antithesis. The aim of the government is now clear： the wicked must submit to the good， or， which is briefer， the wicked must be suppressed. To this end let us employ confiscation， imprisonment， exile， drowning and the guillotine and a large scale. All means are justifiable and meritorious against these traitors； now that the Jacobin has canonized his slaughter， he slays through philanthropy. -- Thus is the forming of his personality completed like that of a theologian who becomes inquisitor.
Extraordinary contrasts are gathered to construct it： - a lunatic that is logical， and a monster that pretends to have a conscience. Under the pressure of his faith and egotism， he has developed two deformities， one of the head and the other of the heart； his common sense is gone， and his moral sense is utterly perverted. In fixing his mind on abstract formulas， he is no longer able to see men as they are. His self-admiration makes him consider his adversaries， and even his rivals， as miscreants deserving of death. On this downhill road nothing stops him， for， in qualifying things inversely to their true meaning， he has violated within himself the precious concepts which brings us back to truth and justice. No light reaches eyes which regard blindness as clear-sightedness； no remorse affects a soul which erects barbarism into patriotism， and which sanctions murder with duty.
__________________________________________________________________NOTES：
[1] Cf. "The Ancient Régime，" p. 242. Citations from the "Contrat Social." - Buchez et Roux， "Histoire Parlementaire，" XXVI. 96.
Declaration of rights read by Robespierre in the Jacobin club， April 21， 1793， and adopted by the club as its own. "The people is sovereign， the government is its work and its property， and public functionaries are its clerks. The people can displace its mandatories and change its government when it pleases.
[2] Lenin， Stalin， Mao， Pol Pot， and other dictators that like that also organized elections and saw themselves as being the people， speaking and acting on their behalf and therefore entitled to do anything they pleased.(SR).
[3] Rightly so， might Lenin have thought when he first read this text.
Later， under his and Stalin's leadership the Party， guided by the first secretary of its central committee， aided by the secret police， should penetrate all affairs slowly extending their power or influence to the entire world through their secret party members， mutually ensuring their promotion into the highest posts， the party will eventually come to govern the world. (SR).
[4] Buchez and Roux， III， 324. . (An article by Loustalot， Sept. 8， 1789). Ibid. 331 Motion of the District of Cordéliers， presided over by Danton. -Ibid 239.. Denunciation of the municipality by Marat. -V.， 128， Vi. 24-41 (March， 1790). The majority of the districts demand the permanent authority of the districts， that is to say， of the sovereign political assemblies[5] Buchez et Roux. IV. 458. Meeting of Feb. 24， 1790， an article by Loustalot. - III 202. Speech by Robespierre， meeting of Oct. 21， 1789.
Ibid. 219. Resolution of the district of St. Martin declaring that martial law shall not be enforced. Ibid. 222. Article by Loustalot.
[6] Buchez et Roux， X. 124， an article by Marat. - X. 1-22， speech by Robespierre at the meeting of May 9， 1791.-III. an article by Loustalot. III. 217， speech by Robespierre， meeting of Oct.22， 1789.
Ibid. 431， article by Loustalot and Desmoulins， Nov.， 1789.--VI. 336， articles by Loustalot and Marat， July， 1790.
[7] Ernest Hamel， "Histoire de Robespierre"， passim， (I.436).
Robespierre proposed to confer political rights on the blacks. -Buchez et Roux， IX. 264 (March， 1791).
[8] Buchez et Roux， V. 146 (March， 1790) ； VI. 436 (July 26， 1790) ；VIII. 247 (Dec 1790) ； X. 224 (June， 1791).
