They begin by paving their way.[10] A new decree has at once suppressed the feeble and last legal requirement for impartiality， integrity and competence of the elector and the eligible candidate. No more discrimination between active and passive citizens； no longer any difference between poll tax of an elector of the first degree and that of the second degree： no electoral poll tax qualification whatever. All Frenchmen， except domestics， of whom they are distrustful， supposing them under their employer's influence， may vote at the primary assemblies， and not longer at the age of twenty-five， but at twenty-one， which brings to the polls the two most revolutionary groups， on the one hand the young， and on the other the poor， the latter in great numbers in these times of unemployment， dearth and poverty， amounting in all to two millions and a half， and， perhaps， three millions of new electors. - At Besan？on the number of the registered voters is doubled.[11] -- Thus are the usual clients of the Jacobins admitted within the electoral boundaries， from which they had hitherto been excluded，[12] and， to ensure their coming， their leaders decide that every elector obliged to travel "shall receive twenty sous mileage，" besides "three francs per diem during his stay."[13]
While attracting their supporters they drove their adversaries away.
The political banditry， through which they dominate and terrify France， has already taken care of that. Many arbitrary arrests and unpunished murders are a warning to all candidates who do not belong to their party； and I do not speak about to the nobles or friends of the ancient regime that have fled or are in prison， but the Constitutionalists and the Feuillants. Any electoral enterprise on their part would be madness， almost a suicide. Accordingly， none of them call attention to themselves. If any outrageous moderate， like Durand de Maillane， appears on a list， it is because the revolutionaries have adopted him without knowing him， and because he swears that he hates royalty.[14] The others， more honest， do not want to don the popular livery and resort to club patronage， so they carefully stay away； they know too well that to do otherwise would mark their heads for pikes and their homes for pillage. At the very moment of depositing the vote the domains of several deputies are sacked simply because， "on the comparative lists of seven calls by name，" sent to the departments from Paris by the Jacobins， their names are found on the right.[15] -- Through an excess of precaution the Constitutionalists of the Legislative body are kept at the capital， their passports being refused to them to prevent them from returning into the provinces and obtaining votes by publicly stating the truth in relation to the recent revolution. -- In the same way， all conservative journals are suppressed， reduced to silence， or compelled to become turncoats. -- Now， when one has neither the possibility to speak up nor a candidate which might become one's representative， of what use is it to vote？ And especially， since the primary assemblies are places of disorder and violence，[16] patriots alone， in many places， being admitted，[17] a conservative being "insulted and overwhelmed with numbers，" and， if he utters an opinion， exposed to danger， also， if he remains silent， incurring the risk of denunciations， threats， and blows. To keep in the background， remain on the sidelines， avoid being seen， and to strive to be forgotten， is the rule under a pasha， and especially when this pasha is a mob. Hence the absenteeism of the majority； around the ballot-box there is an enormous void. At Paris， in the election of mayor and municipal officers， the balloting of October， November and December collect together only 14，000 out of 160，000 registered voters， later 10，000， and， later again， only 7，000.[18] At Besan？on， 7，000. registered voters result in less than 600； there is the same proportion in other towns， as for example， in Troyes. In like manner， in the rural cantons， east of Doubs and west of Loire-Inférieure， but one-tenth of the electors dare exercise their right to vote.[19] The electoral source is so exhausted， so often disturbed， and so stopped up as to be almost dry： in these primary assemblies which， directly or indirectly， delegate all public powers， and which， in the expression of the common will， should be full， there are lacking six millions three hundred thousands electors out of seven millions.[20]
III.
Composition and tone of the secondary assemblies. - Exclusion of "Feuillant" electors. - Pressure on other electors.- Persons elected by the conservatives obliged to resign. - Elections by the Catholics canceled. - Secession of the Jacobin minorities. - The election of their men made valid. - Public opinion not in accord with official selections.
Through this anticipated purge the assemblies of the first degree find themselves， for the most part， Jacobin； consequently the electors of the second degree， appointed by them， are for the most part， Jacobin；in many departments， their assembly becomes the most anarchical， the most turbulent， and the most usurping of all the clubs. Here there is only shouting， denunciations， oath-taking， incendiary motions， cheering which carry all questions， furious speeches by Parisian commissaries， by delegates from the local club， by passing Federates， and by female wretches demanding arms.[21] The Pas-de-Calais assemblage sets free and applauds a woman imprisoned for having beaten a drum in a mob. The Paris assembly fraternizes with the Versailles slaughterers and the assassins of the mayor of Etampes. The assembly of the Bouches-du-Rh？ne gives a certificate o virtue to Jourdan， the Glacière murderer. The assembly of Seine-et-Marne applauds the proposal to cast a cannon which might contain the head of Louis XVI.
