But， alongside of his proper domain， he recognizes another in which he himself assigns a limit to the complete absorption of all wills by his own； he does not admit， of course in his own interest， that the public power， at least in the civil order of things and in common practice， should be illimitable nor， especially， arbitrary.[24] - This is due to his not being an utopian or a theorist， like his predecessors of the Convention， but a perspicacious statesman， who is in the habit of using his own eyes. He sees things directly， in themselves； he does not imagine them through book formulae or party phrases， by a process of verbal reasoning， employing the gratuitous suppositions of humanitarian optimism or the dogmatic prejudices of Jacobin nonsense.
He sees Man just as he is， not Man in himself， an abstract citizen， the philosophic puppet of the Contrat Social， but the real individual， the entire living man， with his profound instincts， his tenacious necessities， which， whether tolerated or not by legislation， still subsist and operate infallibly， and which the legislator must take into consideration if he wants to turn them to account. - This individual， a civilized European and a modern Frenchman， constituted as he is by several centuries of tolerable police discipline， of respected rights and hereditary property， must have a private domain， an enclosed area， large or small， which belongs and is reserved to him personally， to which the public power interdicts access and before which it mounts guard to prevent other individuals from intruding on it. Otherwise his condition seems intolerable to him； he is no longer disposed to exert himself， to set his wits to work， or to enter upon any enterprise. Let us be careful not to snap or loosen this powerful and precious spring of action； let him continue to work， to produce， to economize， if only that he may be in a condition to pay taxes； let him continue to marry， to bring forth and raise up sons， if only to serve the conscription. Let us ease his mind with regard to his enclosure；[25] let him exercise full proprietorship over it and enjoy it exclusively； let him feel himself at home in his own house in perpetuity， safe from any intrusion， protected by the code and by the courts， not alone against his enemies， but against the administration itself. Let him in this well-defined， circumscribed abode be free to turn round and range as he pleases， free to browse at will， and， if he chooses， to consume all his hay himself. It is not essential that his meadows should be very extensive： most men live with their nose to the ground； very few look beyond a very narrow circle； men are not much troubled by being penned up； the egoism and urgent needs of daily life are already for them ready-made limits： within these natural barriers they ask for nothing but to be allowed to graze in security. Let us give them this assurance and leave them free to consult their own welfare. - As to the rest， in very small number， more or less imaginative， energetic， and ardent， there is， outside the enclosure， an issue expressly provided for them： the new administrative and military professions offer an outlet to their ambition and to their vanity which， from the start， keeps on expanding until， suddenly， the first Consul points to an infinite perspective on the horizon.[26]
According to an expression attributed to him， henceforth，"the field is open to all talents，"and hence all talents， gathered into the central current and precipitated headlong through competition， swell with their inflow the immensity of the public power.
This done， the principal features of modern France are traced； a tool of a new and strange type arises， defines itself， and issues forth， its structure determining its destiny. It consists of a social body organized by a despot and for a despot， calculated for the use of one man， excellent for action under the impulsion of a unique will， with a superior intelligence， admirable so long as this intelligence remains lucid and this will remains healthy. It is adapted to a military life and not to civil life， and therefore badly balanced， hampered (géné)in its development， exposed to periodical crises， condemned to precocious debility， but viable for a long time， and， for the present robust， alone able to bear the weight of the new reign and to furnish for fifteen successive years the crushing labor， the conquering obedience， the superhuman， murderous， insensate effort which its master exacts.
IV. Napoleon's barracks.
General aspect and characteristics of the new State. - Contrast between its structure and that of other contemporary or pre-existing States. - The plurality， complexity， and irregularity of ancient France. - The unity， simplicity， and regularity of modern France. - To what class of works it belongs. - It is the modern masterpiece of the classic spirit in the political and social order of things.
Let us take a nearer view of the master's idea and of the way in which， at this moment， he figures to himself the society which is assuming new shape in his hands. All the leading features of the plan are fixed beforehand in his mind： they are already deeply graven on it through his education and through his instinct. By virtue of this instinct， which is despotic， by virtue of this education， which is classic and Latin， he conceives human associations not in the modern fashion， Germanic and Christian， as a concert of initiations starting from below， but in the antique fashion， pagan and Roman， as a hierarchy of authorities imposed from above. He puts his own spirit into his civil institutions， the military spirit； consequently， he constructs a huge barracks wherein， to begin with， he lodges thirty million， men， women， and children， and， later on， forty-two million， all the way from Hamburg to Rome.
